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What Is Vexillology?: An Introduction To Vexillology And This Website

Welcome to Fun With Vexillology and thank you for taking the time to read my content, as I strive to make a topic like Vexillology as fun as possible to someone who might be new to it or may not have heard of it at all.

So, to begin, one may wonder what even is Vexillology? The word may be odd to spell and pronounce but surprisingly easy to define. Vexillology is the study of the history, symbolism, usage behind a flag.

In other words, Vexillology is the analysis of many existing flags that exist all over the world as they have many uses. Flags take on purposes such as representing a sovereign nation or regional government inside that sovereign nation (e.g. the United States of America and the Moscow Oblast respectively), a ethnic group (the flag of African-Americans, the flags of various Native American tribes in the US, the flag of Assyrian people, etc), political ideology (e.g. the flag of the NSDAP representing National Socialism, the red flag representing socialists and Marxists, etc), and so on.

The reason as to why we study flags (or practice Vexillology) is because flags have been integrated into history for as long as modern and civilized nations existed. For example, the oldest flag that is still used even to this day is the flag of the Kingdom of Denmark (although, a flag that was recorded to be used in 2400 BC in the city of Shahdad is known to be the oldest flag ever recorded historically).

In other words, because flags been used for as long as we can remember, they have many meanings that must be interpreted for future generations. Flags like “The Stainless Banner” of The Confederate States of America (the second flag of the Confederacy) or older flags previously used by former colonies of the British Empire are ones we must keep record of and understand it’s meaning, so that others in the future may not interpret it for negative purposes.

No, onto why I made this blog. I made “Fun With Vexillology” Because I am an avid history buff. Some of my favorite topics include The Cold War (and obscure conflicts during that era), The American Civil War, and World War II. And given that I have recently gotten into vexillology recently (as of 2019), I figured I would blend my knowledge and interest in various aspects history with my growing interest in the study of flags. And so, “Fun With Vexillology” was born.

To also help anyone that might be new to the site, I’ll break down the categories of content that I will be doing on here (this will get update if any changes are made):

  • Flag History (I will discuss the history of a flag or type of flags with cited sources in an educational matter)
  • “From The Author’s Collection” (These are articles that are mainly for fun involving flags that I have picked up over the years that are important or interesting to talk about, whether it is the history behind the flag itself or the story behind how I obtained it).
  • Flag Collecting (These will be tips that I will publish from time to time to help people newer into the hobby get into collecting flags and how to ensure their collection stands the test of time).

I hope everyone enjoys the journey that I’ll be going through in the world of flag collecting!

Battle of The Flags: How Two Flags Came At Odds With Each Other In Belarus

For most, 2020 has been a grim and depressing year for many. With COVID-19 in the air, gender reveal parties gone awry, and the crisis in Yemen, things have not looked bright for this year. However, the situation in Belarus has at least given a glimmer of hope left in 2020.

For those unfamiliar, nationwide protests throughout the country of Belarus were sparked after Belarusian head of state (and current disputed leader of Belarus) Alexander Lukashenko won his sixth term in office as President of Belarus in the 2020 Belarusian elections. The election results have been contested by Lukashenko’s opponent, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, and the protests have been occuring since August 9th, 2020.

However, this isn’t why we’re here. We’re, of course, talking about the significance of the flags used throughout the protests. The flags that have represented both sides of the aisle in Belarusian politics. They are of course the white-red-white flag of pre-1994 Belarus and the current flag of Belarus (used by the Belarusian opposition and supporters of the current government respectively).

So let’s cover both of these flags and why they’re important in their symbolism, shall we?

“The White-Red-White Flag” (“Бел-чырвона-белы сцяг”); Used from 1918-presnt (Belarusian Democratic Republic and its government-in-exile) and 1991-1995 as the Republic of Belarus

A group of Belarusian protestors behind the Museum of the Great Patriotic War in Minsk, Belarus. Taken in 2020 in Minsk, Belarus.

The White-Red-White flag of Belarus is a very significant flag in Belarusian culture, as it is used as a symbol (such as the flags being used in protests, umbrellas used with the colors of this flag, as well as clothes sometimes worn in the same pattern as the flag). But why is this flag in particular used by the Belarusian opposition (such as the Belarusian Left Party, a socialist party in Belarus opposed to Lukashenko, and leaders within the Belarusian Coordination Council led by Belarusian presidential candidate and disputed President-elect of Belarus, Svetlana Tikhanovskaya)?

The answer would lead to the formation of the Belarusian Democratic Rada in 1918 with Jan Sierada taking the role of the Chairman of the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic. The flag that would be used by the Belarusian Democratic Republic is believed to be designed by Klawdziy Duzh-Dushewski, a Belarusian civil engineer, diplomat, and journalist. The Belarusian Democratic Republic was declared in a German-occupied territory that makes up the area of modern day Belarus.

A photo of the head(s) of the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic. Taken in 1918.

However, this provisional nation did not last long, as the German Army retreated from Belarus in December 1918. This allowed for the Red Army, led by Leon Trotsky as the People’s Commissar of Military and Naval Affairs of the Soviet Union, to invade Belarus and declare the Socialist Soviet Republic of Belarus (a predecessor to the similar sounding “Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic”).

The declaration of this proto-Soviet Socialist Republic (that would eventually make up the USSR in 1922) forced the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic out of power in Minsk, thus moving the capital to Grodno. However, this would (again) prove to be short-lived as the 1919-1920 Polish-Soviet War forced the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic to then leave Belarus permanently in 1920 after the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic was declared by Soviet authorities after the conclusion of the Polish-Soviet War.

This then caused the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic to declare a capital-in-exile for the time being. From 1920 to now, the Belarusian Democratic Republic’s capital-in-exile has been in Kaunas (from 1919-1923), Prague (1923-1945), Paris (1948-1970), Toronto (1970-1983), and Ottawa (1983-Present).

Today, the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic acts as a lobbying interest group for the nations that represent the Belarusian diaspora across the world (such as Canada and the United States).

While the Belarusian Democratic Republic is the most known example of the White-Red-White flag being used by a nation/nation-in-exile, the flag has been used in lesser known (and in some cases, unofficial) circumstances.

For example, the flag was flown unofficially in West Belarus until 1938 (which, at the time, was apart of the Second Polish Republic). The flag was used by supporters of the Belarusian national movement in Poland both by political organizations like the Belarusian Peasants’ and Workers’ Union or the Belarusian Christian Democracy, and non-political organizations like the Belarusian Schools Society.

Belarusian collaborators with Nazi Germany during WWII. Taken during WWII from either 1941-1945. Source: Wikimedia Commons

The flag has also had unofficial use with the Byelorussian Central Rada, a collaborationist government established within the Generalbezirk Weißruthenien (itself apart of the Reichskommissariat Ostland) established as a piece of the plan to expand Germany’s borders through Lebensraum. The flag (as well as a modified version of Belarus’s coat of arms, the Pahonia) was used as an approved national symbol for the collaborationist government. It was also used as an identification patch for Belarusian conscripts within the Heer, as well as volunteer units within the Waffen SS and the Byelorussian Home Defense.

The White-Red-White flag of Belarus also had its use in the newly established Republic of Belarus in 1991 when the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1990. However, the use of this flag was brief as the flag was abandoned by the Belarusian government in 1995 after President Alexander Lukashenko came to power in the 1994 presidential election (the first election since the country gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991). The flag was then replaced with the flag that is a modification of the flag of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic that was used from 1951-1991.

So…why does the Belarusian opposition use this flag as well as any symbolic use in its colors? It’s simple: the flag represents a time when Belarus was not ruled by Lukashenko (who was/is seen as a very unpopular in Belarusian politics due to his human rights abuses and controversial comments).

The Soviet-looking Flag: The Flag of Belarus used from 1995-Present in both official use and supporters of the current Lukashenko administration

A group of supporters of disputed President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko. Taken in 2020 in Minsk, Belarus.

So what’s with the current flag of Belarus then? As of writing this article, it is the current flag of the Republic of Belarus since 1995 (with minor adjustments made to the flag in 2012) and is used by the opposite side of the 2020 Belarusian protests that support the disputed head of state of the Republic of Belarus. Let’s dive into the history of this flag and why it is used by not only supporters of Alexander Lukashenko but also the current government of Belarus since 1995.

Officially, the flag was adopted June 7th, 1995 after a referendum was made on the flag on April 11th, 1995 that placed the new flag into existence. However, the flag has obvious roots dating back to the days of the Soviet Union and its past in late Stalinism.

The predecessor to Belarus’s flag prior to 1995 (and 1991) was the flag of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic that was adopted in 1951 and relinquished in 1991 after the dissolution of the USSR on December 25th, 1991.

A propaganda poster featuring the flag of the Byelorussian SSR entitled, “Our path – to communism!” in Russian. Made in 1972 in the Soviet Union.

The designer of both Belarus’s current flag and the flag of the Byelorussian SSR was Mikhail Gusyev, The flag was adopted on December 25th, 1951 by the Byelorussian SSR’s Supreme Soviet (the main legislative institution of a SSR in the Soviet Union). The flag was created due to a need of a distinct flag for the region of Byelorussia (as the flag of the BSSR was a modified version of the flag of the USSR that included the letters “BSSR” in Cyrillic underneath).

The most notable detail about this flag is the distinct pattern on the hoist of the flag. The embroidery pattern came from the ruchnik (handtowel) design that was known from traditional Belarusian handtowels and embroidered carpets (in the same vein as how the Turkmenistan flag of today shares this quality).

Symbolically, the design on the BSSR flag is decoded as follows (considering design strip positioned horizontally):

  • the central rhombus figure symbolises the rising Sun;
  • the horn-like figures to the left and right of it symbolise wealth and welfare;
  • the figure inside of the rhombus is the “key to happiness”;
  • the rectangular figure with the smaller rectangles adjoining from the left and right is the “votive sign”, expressing the desire for fulfillment of hopes;
  • the pattern figure symbolises bread (it was absent from the original embroidery, added after some discussion).

The flag was relinquished after the dissolution of the Soviet Union by General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and 1st President of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev.

However, this flag was brought back in 1995 through the referendum that was endorsed by President of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko. The opposition, at the time, questioned if such a referendum was even legal at all as according to the 1995 Law on national referendums (Закон аб усенародным галасаванні (рэферэндуме)), the national symbols and official language were not allowed to be questioned on a referendum at all;

  • Formalities of approval of the referendum by the Parliament have not been carried out;
  • The opposition had limited access to media, observers from the opposition have reported fraud in vote counts.

Regardless of outcries from the opposition, the referendum passed, with the proposed modified flag of the Byelorussian SSR making a return in 1995. The main difference between this flag and the flag of the Byelorussian SSR is the removal of the hammer and sickle from the flag entirely (this was to, of course, symbolize that Belarus has not been a Marxist-Leninist one party state since 1991).

So why is this flag used at all? The reason is the same with why Transnistrians still use the flag of the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic as their main flag to use in foreign and domestic affairs: Neo-Sovietism and nostalgia for the Soviet Union. For many born before 1991, the Soviet Union is seen positively by those who grew up in the country prior to the collapse of the nation (especially by those of the Khrushchev and Brezhnev Generations of vatniks). As a result, the use of this flag was to garner support for Lukashenko as a leader who wishes to “bring back the nostalgia of the USSR” and protect that generation.

Conclusion

While the protests in Belarus are tragic, it has at least provided both myself and those that are reading this article to educate themselves of the vexilogical and political history of Belarus’s rival flags. Hopefully, these protests do come to a close peacefully and that a solution is made in the nation.

AUTHOR’S NOTE: I would like to add that despite the unofficial uses by collaborationist forces and Nazi Germany, this does NOT make the White-Red-White flag of Belarus a “white supremacist symbol” or a symbol promoting Neo-Nazism. Other collaborationist forces during World War II such as the Ukrainian Liberation Army, the Russian Liberation Movement, the Lokot Autonomy, the Rusian Protective Corps, the First Russian National Army, and paramilitary forces such as the Arrow Cross of Hungary and Iron Guard of Romania incorporated their national flags into these military units loyal to Nazi Germany and fascist paramilitaries in their respective nations. It is the same way that Neo-Nazis will sometimes use either the national flag of their respective nation (or a modified version of it) to use a national symbol for their disgusting agenda.

TL;DR The White-Red-White flag of Belarus is a flag representing the Belarusian democratic opposition wishing to see free elections and an end to human rights abuses in Belarus, not Neo-Nazis and white supremacists. Fun With Vexillology does not condone bigotry of any kind.

Back In The USSR: The Flag from Transnistria (From The Author’s Collection #3)

Entering Transnistria

After exploring the ruins of the former city of Pripyat/Chernobyl, the group I was with was on its way to the Moldavian Republic of Pridnestrovia (or better known as Transnistria to most people). Our tour guides for the trip helped myself and the others load our bags into a private van headed from the post-Soviet capital of Kyiv to the Greek-inspired city of Odessa, which would be where we would rest our heads before crossing the de facto border of Transnistria. In between the time I had exited Kyiv with my group to entering the Transnistria/Moldovan border, I had:

  • Toured through a former Soviet military base, seeing several Soviet (and post-Soviet) militaria and historical relics.
  • Initiated a nuclear ICBM launch sequence inside a formerly active Soviet-Ukrainian missile silo.
  • Seen some Soviet-era vehicles on the road.
  • Enjoyed the local cuisine in Odessa.
  • Explored the Odessa Catacombs, seeing its natural (and not-as-natural) beauty inside of it.
  • Sampled homemade tea and lemon flavored moonshine inside of the caverns.

And now, I was in a van with the rest of the tour group members I had met through the trip (along with the tour guide that I had befriended through the power of humor, knowledge of Eastern Bloc history, and meme magic) with my AirPods stuck in my ears up until we reached the checkpoint between Ukraine and the de facto border of Transnistria. Taking my AirPods out and putting my phone into standby mode, I (along with everyone else) was instructed to hand over my passport when Ukrainian border guards came onto the bus to collect them (as well as to sniff out any kind of theoretical contraband that would’ve entered into Transnistria).

After about an hour, our passports were stamped with an exit stamp from Ukraine and an entry stamp from the border crossing we had entered into through Moldova. Including these passport stamps was what would be my de-facto visa into Transnistria: The Transnistrian Immigration Card. The card slipped into everyone’s passports had the same texture and quality to the kind of paper that would be printed off of a CVS receipt. The free memento to prove I had entered an unrecognized country was still cool, regardless of the fact my immigration document was a piece of receipt paper.

Hotel Aist and The Local Nightlife

The drive into the capital of Transnistria was a long one but it was well worth it as I felt as excited as a kid in a candy store. I was ready to sightsee and explore the Soviet-esque republic that is Pridnestrovia. When the van arrived, we got out to unload our luggage into Hotel Aist.

The exterior (and parts of the interior) of Hotel Aist still remained of its former Soviet glory, as it had that brutalist architecture that many Soviet buildings post-Stalin Era were famous for. All of grabbed our keys from our guides and headed up into our rooms, where we both inspected and examined the interiors of them. For an appreciator of Soviet history, I liked and appreciated the style of the room, as it had a lot of the motifs many tenements and hotels would’ve had at the time.

The Transnistrian House of Soviets. Taken in 2019 in Tiraspol, Transnistria. Photo by: Frank A. Perry.

When I had finished unloading part of my luggage, I headed down to the lobby where all of us grabbed some of the local cuisine (as well as a drink from a local liquor store up the street). Walking from the hotel to a local restaurant to the liquor store a couple blocks away was an interesting feeling. Arriving in Tiraspol at night had the unique effect of showing off the city in a much different way than I would have seen in in the morning or in the afternoon. The city lights had a certain hue to them that glowed quite nicely in contrast to the dark sky with the Soviet flags of both Tiraspol and Transnistria fluttering nicely in the chilly, dark winds. Eventually, after a nice meal and chilling on our balconies outside, I (and everyone else) headed to sleep, looking forward to the next day in Tiraspol.

Exploring Tiraspol, The Capital of The Moldavian Republic of Pridnestrovia (PMR; Transnistria)

The next day, I woke up and headed down to the lobby for our tour of Tiraspol from the guides and a local/friend of the guides who knew Transnistria like the back of his thumb. The first thing we did was walk into what was Suvorov Square (named after both Russian General Alexander Suvorov and the statue that was at the center of the square). Suvorov Square was one of my favorite sites to see in Transnistria (and, arguably, my favorite in Tiraspol). The whole site of flags that covered not just the national flags of Transnistria but also the municipal flags of Transnistria and the nations it recognizes (so far, only the nations of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and the Republic of Artsakh). What was also included in Suvorov Square (aside from the Soviet-era symbolry that was still kept from the days of the Moldavian SSR) was the “touristy” sign that spelled out Tiraspol in Russian.

The flags of Artsakh, South Ossetia, and Abkhazia in Suvorov Square. Taken in Tiraspol, Transnistria in 2019. Photo By: Frank Perry.

Moving on, we also examined the Transnistrian Supreme Council (where Parliament would meet to discuss legislation in the region) that still had its Lenin statue up from the days of the Soviet Union and the other part of Suvorov Square that is more well known. This part of Suvorov Square included a T-34 on display (likely used during WWII) as well as a monument to the soldiers in Transnistria/Moldova that lost their lives during the Great Patriotic War of World War II, the Soviet War in Afghanistan, as well as a monument that dedicated the lives lost to those that suffered during the 1986 Chernobyl incident.

A scenic photo of the admin on the famous tank in Suvorov Square. Taken in Tiraspol, Transnistria in 2019. Photo by: Frank A. Perry.

After taking a look around Suvorov Square, we headed towards where we were last night as we saw what would later be explained as the Transnistrian Federal Reserve and the Transnistrian “House of Soviets” (which was the City Council of Transnistria). Examining the design of both the building, the flag flying above, and the Lenin bust that sat out front, we all did a photo op in front of it.

When we finished taking photos of the House of Soviets and its Lenin Monument, we then headed into one of the most interesting parts of the tour: a Soviet-era bookstore. The atmosphere of the place was interesting as it had a woodgrain feel similar to some of the Barnes & Noble bookstores I visited back home, but smaller and more Russified. I and the rest of the group entered the store looking around. I looked around the store and eyed around some possible souvenirs before finding what I was looking for: some locally made Transnistrian flags. Knowing what I wanted, I selected the flags that were the national flags of Transnistria (the known state flag with the hammer and sickle on it and the flag that looks similar to the flag of the Russian Federation). Some other things I bought included some magnets for a friend of mine and patches belonging to the Transnistrian KGB and the Transnistrian MVD.

After looking I, and the rest of the group headed onward towards looking at the rest of the city and other attractions around the quasi-nation of Transnistria (including making a toast towards the many that passed during WWII at Transnistria’s WWII monument).

A view from the Transnistrian Great Patriotic War Monument away from Tiraspol. Taken in Transnistria in 2019. Photo By: Frank A. Perry

Fun With Vexillology’s Top Five Worst Flags

Whether cultural, political, or just to represent a group of people, flags have represented things for several centuries. However, in flag making, you’ll never end up with a winner every time. That’s why we at Fun With Vexillology have taken the time (for fun, of course) to list off what we think are the ten worst flags.

Of course, we will be excluding any obvious picks as it would just make the list too easy to create (e.g. placing the flag of the former National Socialist German Worker’s Party aka the Nazi Party as the #1 pick because the Nazis are terrible people).

Alright, let’s hop into the list.

5. The Flag of The City of Detroit (1948-Current)

The Flag of the City of Detroit, first adopted in 1948 and designed by David E. Heineman

So this flag is…”interesting” to say the least. The flag was designed by David E. Heineman, who decided to incorporate a lot of Detroit’s history in one flag. The seal represents some of Detroit’s falls from grace (such as the Great Detroit Fire of 1805, which shows the hoist figure weeping for the city of Detroit. The flag also incorporates the nations that took control of the city of Detroit. The bottom left corner represents when Detroit was under the control of the French (from 1701 to 1760), the top right corner represents the UK’s previous control of the city of Detroit (from 1760 to 1783), and the top left/bottom right corners represent the current administration of the city of Detroit under American control apart of the State of Michigan.

While this flag is (admittedly) not winning any prizes for best flag, it does have some level of charm to it that makes it interesting to say the least. Not to mention, it does incorporate the history that Detroit has to offer (with possible foreshadowing with the city of Detroit in partial ruin in the seal). This is why the flag of the City of Detroit is at the fifth spot in our top 10.

4. The Flag of The State of New Mexico (1912-1925)

The flag of New Mexico used in 1915

For those that may (or may not) know, New Mexico for a chunk of its existence did not have an official flag adopted until 1925. However, New Mexico was incorporated into the United States in 1850 as a U.S. territory before becoming a US state in 1912. So one might ask what was used as the flag of New Mexico unofficial prior to 1925? During the San Diego World’s Fair, this flag was used for the event. It has since been called the “Twitchell Flag” (named for its creator, Ralph Emerson Twitchell).

This flag honestly has its problems aesthetic wise, as it looks like a flag that was made through Microsoft Paint using the text options. However, it only gets worse from here flag wise.

3. The Flag of Pocatello, Idaho (2001 – 2017)

The flag of Pocatello used from 2001 to 2017

What do you get if a bag of Purina’s dog food from 1986 and The Home Depot gave birth in an alleyway behind that Denny’s on I-55? Why, you get the flag of Pocatello, Idaho of course! Adopted in 2001 by the City of Pocatello, it was deemed to be the worst flag in North America by the North American Vexillology Association (NAVA) for quite some time until the City of Pocatello decided accordingly to get rid of its hideously looking flag, starting with a flag making committee being formed in 2015 (with some help by Roman Mars, who helped create the level of infamy that put the flag of Pocatello on everyone’s radar). The flag was eventually ditched in 2017, with a more modern design (nicknamed “Mountains Left”) being adopted that year.

Honestly, I’m glad this flag that looks like a not-so-nostalgic blast from the past was ditched by their city committee with its “Proud To Be” font that resembles closely something you might see on a Home Depot bucket in 1996.

2. The Flag of Libya under Muammar Gaddafi (The Great Socialist Libyan Arab Jamahiriya; 1977 – 2011)

The flag of Libya under Gaddafi used from 1977 to 2011 (and by some pro-Gaddafi rebels during the ongoing Libyan Civil War)

This flag is just…depressingly bland. So bland it should almost be a crime. The flag of the Great Socialist Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (try saying that five times fast) was adopted in 1977 after Muammar Gaddafi dissolved his union with Egypt (which occurred due to Egypt recognizing and normalizing relations with the State of Israel). So, Gaddafi formed the new name of Libya that is aptly titled the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya in 1973, before changing the country’s name to the one that was associated with Libya for the remainder of Gaddafi’s time in office as Libya’s head of state.

The flag of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya was meant to represent the ideology of Muammar Gaddafi from his book The Greek Book known as The Third International Theory, which rejected both capitalism and Marxist styles of socialism that were prevalent in the time of Gaddafist Libya (e.g. Marxism-Leninism, Maoism, Juche, Titoism, etc) in favor of an Islamic form of socialism that he felt would be better suited for the nation of Libya at the time. However, despite representing Muammar Gaddafi’s ideology, it still looks like a green flag you’d use for a NASCAR race. Sorry, not sorry Gaddafists.

Honorable Mention: The Liberian County Flags

The flag of Gbarpolu County

The county flags of Liberia get an honorable mention only because it would probably make the entire list if I included them all. These flags representing the fifteen counties of Liberia are laughably bad, as they look shockingly similar to something that would be drawn and used in Microsoft Paint’s brush tool (or if you just doodled using the iPhone’s Markup feature on photos).

However, they aren’t as bad as the number one spot.

1. The Flag of Niobrara County Flag (????-Current)

Feast your eyes on the worst flag of all time (according to Fun With Vexillology, of course): The flag currently used by Niobrara County located in the State of Wisconsin in the United States of America. The design of it doesn’t even look like a flag but rather a cheap billboard you’d find in a 3D flash game from 2002 or a PS1 game from 1998. It’s certainly underrated compared to Liberian county flags or the flag of Pocatello but that might be a good thing in this case.

The Flag of The Socialist Unity Party of The German Democratic Party (From The Author’s Collection #2)

“Auferstanden Aus Ruinen”: The Flag of the SED/Introduction

For over 40 years, East Germany was ruled by a communist party that aligned themselves with the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact (a coalition of socialist states that acted in opposition to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or NATO for short). When the Berlin Wall fell, so did the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and the party liquidated many of its assets (including this flag in my collection).

Up until recently, this flag was likely in storage somewhere in either Berlin, Leipzig, or Dresden after the fall of the Berlin Wall and reunification between the GDR and the Federal Republic of Germany. Probably sometimes recently, the flag was then bought by a private collector who intended to sell it online. However, as of now, a party flag belonging to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany is officially in my collection.

A real life example of the flag of the Socialist Unity Party of The German Democratic Republic (SED; Socialistiche Einheitspartei Deutschlands).

The flag itself has an interesting design to it, as it is hung vertically (since the measurements were 51.5 inches long, 29.5 inches wide). This flag was likely used for SED party meetings and/or affairs in the GDR (whether in East Berlin or elsewhere), as the flag is large enough to cover a decently sized wall but nothing larger.

I received this flag from a good friend from Germany who also was a historical enthusiast of the Cold War, as it was a gift for my birthday in September.

To coincide with this momentous event, here is the history of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany.

The Founding Of The Party

An alternative shot of the famous “Victory Over Berlin” photo, with a soldier (likely belonging to one of the Soviet military attachments that took Berlin). waving the flag of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Taken in Berlin, Nazi Germany in May of 1945.

After the surrender of Nazi Germany on May 9, 1945, Soviet military forces occupied the eastern half of the former German Reich. in between the surrender of Nazi Germany and the foundation of the German Democratic Republic (GDR/DDR; Deutsche Demokratische Republik), a merger between the Social Democratic Party of Germany and the Communist Party of Germany was formed in 1946. While official Soviet and East German histories recollect that this merger between the SPD and KPD was merely formal and voluntary, there is very little evidence to back this up.

In fact, many accounts claim that the Soviets occupying the eastern half of Germany pressured the Social Democratic Party of Germany to merge with the Communist Party of Germany to give political legitimacy to the Communist Party of Germany. The newly formed party, with assistance by the Soviet authorities occupying East Germany, swept the local elections in the area in 1946. This gave the Socialist Unity Party of Germany full power in the occupied area of East Germany.

However, in Berlin, A much more accurate depiction of how the SED was seen in east Germany. The SPD received more than half of electoral votes in Berlin then the later ruling SED. The SPD was allowed to rule in West Berlin as it was not in the Soviet Zone (Berlin was further split in half between the Western Powers and the Soviet Union).

At the same time factions are forming within the Socialist Unity Party of Germany. According to Lieutenant Colonel Sergei Ivanovich Tiulpanov of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SVAG in Russian), he indicated in a report that the newly formed party had formed factions within it and were mutually antagonistic toward each other. While former KPD members felt that they had betrayed the revolutionary values, former SPD members felt that they were unfairly treated by their KPD counterparts and were treated as secondary members in the SED administration. What was also hard to convince was to prove to the German masses that the SED was a true German party and not a Soviet occupation tool used by the Red Army.

The infamous handshake between Communist Party of Germany party leader Wilhelm Pieck and Social Democratic Party of Germany party leader Otto Grotewohl that helped found the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and cement their power. Taken on April 22nd, 1946 in Berlin, Germany.

A very large problem at Soviet military administrators noticed early on in the formation of the SED was the moderate amount of nationalism inside of the ranks of the Party, which gave way to Soviet fears of the SED turning into a nationalist party. This was (likely) due to party members praising members that had preached of nationalism more than those that spoke of gender equality and social issues plaguing the nation.

In fact, some had even proposed even separating themselves from the realm of Soviet influence to create their own socialist state that also “reclaimed” the territories (re)allocated to Poland, the USSR, and Czechoslovakia. These members were likely purged from the party after those incidents, as well as when some regional SED party leaders would stray off from pro-Soviet talking points during their speeches.

From the Party’s founding in 1946, even though there were traces of social democratic influence, the Communists from the former KPD (Communist Party of Germany) always had the stronger influence in the SED. It was by 1949 that the SED was a full-fledged communist party under the thumb of Soviet control (A KPD under a new name, so to speak), as the Communists in control purged many social democrats that went against the line of the Socialist Unity Party.

It later began to develop party lines along the similar political agenda of other political parties within the Warsaw Pact nations (e.g. Polish United Worker’s Party, Bulgarian Communist Party, Romanian Communist Party, etc). By the end of its ruling in 1989, it was one of the more orthodox communist parties in the Eastern Bloc (as it maintained a hardcore stance on Marxism when Mikhail Gorbachev intended on reforming the party in 1985).

Organization of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED)

The interior of the Palace of the Republic, which held meetings for the Volkskammer (the parliament of the German Democratic Republic). Likely taken in the late 1970s or mid 1980s in East Berlin, German Democratic Republic.

The organization and structure of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany was modeled after the (at the time) seemingly successful model of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The SED, taking power officially as soon as the German Democratic Republic was declared on October 7th, 1949. Other parties existed under the rule of the SED in the Volkskammer (the GDR’s parliament), with parties such as the National Democratic Party of Germany (but were pressured by Soviet occupation authorities to join the National Front of Democratic Germany in order to participate in the Volkskammer).

The party also organized itself on being a core facet of German life in East Germany and being within many institutions that existed throughout the GDR. In fact, the SED required every member to live by the mantra, “Where there is a comrade, the party is there too” (Wo ein Genosse ist, da ist die Partei).” This meant that the party had its presence in the workplace of many Germans in areas like publicly owned farms, agricultural cooperatives, and publicly owned industrial enterprises (mainly to monitor and regulate the operational management of each institution).

The party was organized from larger to smaller levels, so as to ensure the masses were following the SED party line of Marxism-Leninism (whether they liked it or not). The smallest of these organizations within the SED was the Party Group. Members within the SED Party Group would elect a Party Group Organizer (PGO) who would organize the Party Group chapter of the SED as well as take responsibility of other Party work. Other roles in Party Groups would’ve been an Agitator (a role within the SED to get others outside of the Party to get involved with either the party itself or an issue the SED saw as important to spread around), a Party Group Treasurer (someone who would handle the duties of managing the finances of the SED Party Group), as well as other roles if the Party Group was large enough.

At the head of these organizations within the SED Party were Party Secretaries. Party Secretaries existed at different levels within the party, including regional and sectional directorates. They usually held the office of Party Secretary as unpaid positions, although some were paid for their work as Party Secretaries. The task of being a Party Secretary for any part of the Party was mainly political work as it involved preparing party meetings, organised political training in alignment with the party, as well as other duties.

The unveiling of the first official flag of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, that was used from 1946 to 1948 in the party’s infancy. Taken around April 1946 in Berlin, Germany.

The party was split into directorates: Party Groups, Sectional Directorates, Regional Directorates, and the Central Committee. The basic organizational unit (known as a Sectional Directorate) was the most basic of leadership units in the German Democratic Republic, with Sectional Directorates being placed into East German organizations such as the Free German Youth (the East German answer to the Boy and Girl Scouts of America), the Ministry for State Security (the foreign and domestic intelligence agency and political police known informally as the “Stasi”), The Free German Trade Union Federation (the SED-approved federation of approved trade unions within the GDR), and other organizations in the German Democratic Republic.

The Regional Directorates of the SED were meant to organize the Party by regional lines as well (as the German Democratic Republic was divided amongst 15 regions within it).

The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany was the head of the Central Committee (which was the head of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and, in turn, elected a head of state to rule over the German Democratic Republic. This then made anyone who was the head of the Politburo the official head of state of the German Democratic Republic as well).

Delegates at the 11th Party Congress of the SED Socialist Unity Party of Germany in Berlin, capital of the GDR. Photo Cred: Burkhard Lange.

The Central Committee Secretariat (another section of the Central Committee) met each Wednesday at the Palace of the Republic to implement decisions that were proposed and passed by the Politburo the previous day, as well as prepare for the next Politburo meeting within the Volkskammer.

The Socialist Unity Party of Germany held a Party Congress every three years (excluding the first and second conferences) from 1946 to 1986. these Party Congresses were planned with military level precision. Choreography and other aspects of the event were carefully planned and selected, so that the Party Congress would run smoothly.

The Combat Group of the Working Class

An East German stamp from the KdA celebrating the 35th anniversary of the KdA. Issued in 1988 in the German Democratic Republic (GDR/DDR)

The Combat Group of the Working Class (or Kampfergruppen der Arbeiterklassen in German; KdA) was a paramilitary organization that existed from 1953 to 1989. Unlike the National People’s Army of the German Democratic Republic, the KdA answered directly to the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and acted as the de facto militia of the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany, comprising mainly of members of the SED and “politically reliable” members of the working class of the German Democratic Republic.

The KdA was formed in response to the East German uprising of 1953, which was violently suppressed by the Volkspolizei of the GDR (civil police department). They were first unveiled publicly during a May Day celebration in 1954 and were present visibly during the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. A central school set up to train the newly formed KdA was established in 1957 and the official name of the Kampfergruppen der Arbeiterklassen was given to the paramilitary militia in 1959. The KdA’s largest scale use was in 1961 during the building of the Berlin Wall between West and East Berlin. During the deployment to the Berlin Wall in 1961, only eight members defected to the West (which indicated a high amount of faith and loyalty to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and its Politburo).

A photo taken in the GDR of soldiers of both the KdA and the NVA (National People’s Army; Nationalvolksarmee) talking amongst each other. Taken in the German Democratic Republic in 1961.

The KdA served a purpose as general infantry meant to assist the military and police in the event war was declared, an uprising was happening, or other political emergencies were happening in the German Democratic Republic. The KdA took orders from the Central Committee of the SED, which made the paramilitary the party’s personal army (in a similar way as to how the People’s Liberation Army answers directly to the Communist Party of China, not the People’s Republic of China).

Membership in the KdA ranged from 25 to 60 years old, with those under the age of 25 were recommended to join the Society for Sport and Technology (which acted as a paramilitary itself for those interested in sports and technology). Membership to the KdA was entirely optional (although SED members were required to join, as apart of their obligation to the SED Socialist Unity Party of Germany). Non-SED Members were encouraged to join by the Free German Trade Union Federation and recruitment was fufilled by the SED branches that existed in the workplace.

KdA paramilitary soldiers guarding the Brandenburg Gate during the construction of the Berlin Wall, armed with the Soviet PPsH-41 submachine gun. Taken in East Berlin, German Democratic Republic in 1961.

Training for the KdA was given by the Volkspolizei to avoid the KdA being counted as an official part of the Armed Forces of the German Democratic Republic. Training for KdA volunteer soldiers was cheaper to maintain since they did not require accommodation, supplies, and wages were the same as someone in the standard National People’s Army. Members in the KdA would also continue their civilian work in their spare time, as they would train after work and on the weekends for a total of 136 hours annually (usually at a training camp in the wilderness). Despite the lack of professional training, the KdA was still given the same equipment as their National People’s Army counterparts.

The KdA, being the personal militia to the Central Committee of the SED, barely left its home of East Germany. However, there is at least one recorded instance of the KdA being deployed elsewhere. According to Radio Brazzaville, the KdA was assisting the Congolese Party of Labour form their own militia in the same nature and form as the KdA in 1980.

During the Peaceful Revolutions of 1989, the KdA were not deployed nor were they activated to quell the protests in the German Democratic Republic (ironically, as they were formed for that very purpose after the 1953 Uprising), as many members within the KdA had sympathies to the protestors rather than the ruling SED. After the East German government made the intention to allow East Germans the right of free movement out of the German Democratic Republic on November 9th, 1989, the KdA was proven to be useless and irrelevant at that point. During the processing of de-mobilization and disarmament in the former German Democratic Republic, the KdA was dissolved on December 14th, 1989.

Socialist Unity Party of West Berlin

A Party Conference for the Socialist Unity Party of West Berlin. Taken in the 1960s

The Socialist Unity Party of West Berlin (SEW) was a unique party, as it originally acted as a branch of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (given that its original name was the Socialist Unity Party of Germany – West Berlin). However, in 1962, the party went its separate ways from the SED and became its own communist party following Marxist-Leninist doctrine.

Even though it was a separate political entity from the SED, the Socialist Unity Party of West Berlin still operated as if the party had never separated from the SED. Leading functionaries of the SEW visited the GDR frequently and were in contact with authorities from the GDR constantly (especially the Westabteilung “Western Department” of the SED, which was responsible for maintaining its contacts in West Germany).

The party, comparing from its East German counterpart, was much smaller (as it only had 8,500 subscribers to its newspaper at its height in 1968, with that number dwindling to 4,000 in 1989). The SEW followed itself closely to the SED, so much to the point of allowing General Secretary Erich Honecker to edit their election manifesto (which, in turn, he did). The party also followed the idea of democratic centralism, which did not allow for dissident members to advance their ideas far (and were regularly expelled from the Party).

A pin belonging to the SEW political party. Likely produced in the mid 1970s to 1989.

In 1980, a faction aligned closely to the Eurocommunist movement emerged in the SEW. They were given the nickname of the “Klarheit” faction (as named by the manifesto they had written). However, this faction was quickly expelled from the SEW party and its political functions.

During the rise of reformer politicians in the Eastern Bloc (such as Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev), there were some rifts between members within the party. Some members admired Mikhail Gorbachev, seeing him as way to revive leftist movements in Western Europe and elsewhere. More orthodox members of the party, however, maintained the same line as their East German counterpart in East Berlin.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and German reunification in 1990, the party changed its name to Socialist Initiative before effectively disbanding in 1991. Those who wished to remain active in politics later joined the Party for Democratic Socialism (PDS).

The Fall of The Berlin Wall, Dissolution, and The Legacy of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany in German Politics

A replica of Checkpoint Charlie in modern day Germany. Taken in Berlin, Germany in 2019

The opening of the German Democratic Republic’s border on October 7th, 1989 proved to be the coup-de-grace for the SED, as it effectively released their stranglehold on power in the GDR. The constitution was re-written to disable the monopoly of power held by the SED and East Germany had its first (and only) free elections. The Socialist Unity Party of Germany dissolved into the Party of Democratic Socialism not long after being kicked out of power by its people.

Germany, for the most part, has moved on from its communist past in the East. Although, there are some remnants that still linger around the once divided capital of Berlin. One such example is the German political party known as Die Linke. Die Linke (The Left, in English) is the successor to the Party of Democratic Socialism (which, in turn, was the successor to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany). Hans Modrow, the last premier/head of state of the German Democratic Republic, has been the President of the Council of Elders in Die Linke since the party’s founding in 2007. Not to mention, some monuments, museums, and memorials to the former GDR still exist in Berlin in some way or fashion (such as the Museum of the Ministry for State Security, which is housed in the former headquarters of the Ministry for State Security of the German Democratic Republic).

While communism still has a grasp officially in five countries, that doesn’t mean that Karl Marx’s self-described “spectre of communism” hasn’t gone away but has remained alive in the places that it once ruled in.

The Answer To Why Some Socialist States Kept Their Flags

What do Poland, Czechoslovakia (now the Czech Republic and Slovakia), Hungary, Laos, Somalia, Grenada, Burkina Faso, and Cuba all have in common? If you guessed that they all never changed their flags: you’re right!

Poland hasn’t changed its flag since 1919 (with extremely minor color alterations between 1927 and 1980), the Czech Republic has kept its flag since 1993 (with the origins of the flag dating to Czechoslovakia’s founding in 1920), Hungary has kept its flag since 1956, Laos has kept its flag since 1945, Somalia has kept its flag since 1954, Grenada has kept its flag since 1974, Burkina Faso has kept its flag since 1984, and Cuba has kept its flag since 1902.

These are just a few examples but there are even more flags if you look at the slightly modified flags of the nations that aligned with the Warsaw Pact (e.g. Bulgaria, East Germany, Romania, and Albania) and socialist nations outside of its official ranks of membership (e.g. Mongolia, Ethiopia, Yugoslavia, Zanzibar, Afghanistan, etc). Focusing on the nations that never changed their flags, you might ask “why?” Here are a couple of reasons as to why.

Reason #1: They Recently Became Independent

Propaganda poster of António Agostinho Neto, 1st President of Angola & Founder of the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola; MPLA). Made in 197X.

In the case(s) of Somalia, Burkina Faso, and Zanzibar, they all became independent nations somewhere in the mid-to-late 20th century. Somalia officially became independent in 1960 after being a Trust Territory of Italy since 1950. Burkina Faso became independent in 1984 after Thomas Sankara overthrew the government of Upper Volta in 1983 (he led a transitional council in between 1983 and 1984 to turn Upper Volta into Burkina Faso).

And Zanzibar became independent in 1963 after the United Kingdom granted Zanzibar independence as the Sultanate of Zanzibar (this did not last long, as revolutionaries overthrew the Sultanate in 1964).

As a result, many of these now liberated African nations decided to use and adopt the flags of the national liberation movements (as Marxist doctrine emphasizes the self-determination of any oppressed nation as well as going against the idea of imperialism).

So nations such as Burkina Faso and Somalia adopted non-socialist flags (or socialist leaning flags) because the flags they used for their national liberation struggles coincided with the beliefs of the socialists that would later take charge in those respective African socialist nations. Which leads into the next reason why some nations never really changed their flags.

Reason #2: The Socialists And Communists That Took Power Were Also Nationalists

Nicolae Ceausescu, 1st President of Romania and Last General Secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, sitting at his desk beside the national symbols of the Socialist Republic of Romania (Coat of Arms, National Flag, and Flag of the Romanian Communist Party). Taken in the late 1960s in the SR of Romania.

Throughout the Cold War, where many socialist and communist dictatorships both established independently and through assistance by either China or the Soviet Union existed, a few nations that aligned with either the Warsaw Pact or China had leaders that adopted nationalistic forms of communism. Examples would include leaders like Fidel Castro in Cuba, Kim Il-sung in the DPRK, and Nicolae Ceausescu in Romania.

These leaders, like Castro, believed in incorporating the symbol of the national flag into the socialist ideology of that nation. in fact, Castro was an ardent nationalist and believed in incorporating Jose Marti into the same league of national heroes and symbols as Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. As a result, the flag of Cuban never truly changed from its 1902 design (save for minor color changes after 1959).

Instead of changing the national flag of Cuba to fit the new socialist ideas of the nation, Fidel Castro and the newly formed Communist Party of Cuba (PCC; Partido Communista de Cuba) incorporated the national flag of Cuba as a national and socialist symbol, going hand in hand with the red flag representing the Communist Party.

The same can be said for former head of state of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu. Ceausescu was strongly influenced by both communist ideas and a strong love for his country, as it is why Romania made minor adjustments to its flag while Romania was ruled by the Communist Party of Romania. Like Cuba, Ceausescu aligned the flag of the Romanian Communist Party to be just as important as the national flag of the Socialist Republic of Romania (as propaganda posters will point to the flags being seen side by side).

Romania even mentions to its national colors of red, yellow, and blue its national anthem that was used between 1977 and 1989, when Ceausescu was overthrown.

In other words, socialist nations that had nationalistic ties refused to drop the flags of their nations entirely. They chose to either keep the flags that were originally flying in their nation prior to communist party taking charge or modifying them to fit the national colors as well as the socialist coat of arms and change the meaning of the national colors in the constitution of that nation. This then transitions into the last reason that I’ll discuss on this topic.

Reason #3: They Just Didn’t See A Change in Flags as Necessary

Anti communist trade unionists on strike at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk, Polish People’s Republic. Taken during the strike of May 1988.

While nations that recently became independent like Angola or Zanzibar did not change their flags due to the fact that they recently became independent (or with Cuba how changing their flag would’ve went against the nationalistic state ideology of the Communist Party of Cuba), in the case of Czechoslovakia and Poland it was likely that they just did not care enough to change their flags.

Poland and Czechoslovakia had the disadvantage of being a part of the Axis Powers against their will during World War II. When occupied by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) after WWII, it was likely that they did not have enough resources to create a new banner involving socialist symbolism on the flag. Flags in the process to make them cost time, money, as well as mental resources by artists who wish to contribute.

So when the socialist aligned governments of Poland and Czechoslovakia were formed, it was likely that they just kept their flags as a cost efficient way to maintain the national colors but change the meaning of the flags while in power.

This was also done to quell and/or sub do minor amounts of dissent in the more traditionalist anti-Communist areas of Poland and Czechoslovakia, as maintaining and keeping the national symbol of a national flag that has been kept prior to the occupation and establishment of a socialist government.

Conclusion

Flags represent a lot of things in the world. It can represent nations, political parties, ideas, and even planets. When a new government is formed and a new name for that nation is formed alongside it, some nations to say to celebrate this change with a new flag and a new coat of arms. However, some governments decide not to change much if anything. And sometimes, the simplistic option can be the best one.

Sources: Smith, Whitney (2002). Flag Lore Of All Nations. Millbrook Press. pp. 21. ISBN 0-7613-1753-8. Castro & Ramonet 2009, pp. 147. Castro & Ramonet 2009, pp. 101–102. Fidel’s Ethics of Violence by Dayan Jayatilleka, page 65. “Fidel Castro’s Biography”. ABC. October 18, 2012. Retrieved November 7, 2019. Boia, p.73. Boia, p.77.

The Flag From Chernobyl (From The Author’s Collection #1)

On November 7th, 2019, the author of the Fun With Vexillology blog ventured into the depths of Eastern Europe looking for the most interesting flags to add to his collection. He didn’t expect many stories but got a lot in return. This is one of those flag stories.

The air was still and the temperature was mildly cold in Chernobyl as I could only hear the echoes of some of the people in my group whilst walking around the Exclusion Zone. We had finished getting up close and personal with the Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Nuclear Power Plant’s infamous 4th reactor, as we headed to a nearby cafeteria inside of the Exclusion Zone called Canteen 19.

Canteen 19 was a cafeteria that had served the local forestry workers, biologists, and construction crews that continue to work on and improve the condition of the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone. Being a common staple that is included in most Chernobyl tour packages, it’s usually included. So, the tour group I was with was headed there for our lunch inside the Exclusion Zone.

A Recap Prior To Visiting Canteen 19

Up to that point, a few things had happened: First, my breakfast on the day of the tour consisted of a regrettably “American” diet of oddly flavored Lay’s potato chips and an even more oddly flavored Elderberry-lemon Fanta soda blend that tasted like I had drank out of my mother’s flower pot. Needless to say, I was mocked by the more European guests on the tour.

A Polaroid® of the Chernobyl town sign taken inside of the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone. Taken in Chernobyl, Ukraine (2019). Polaroid® is a registered trademark of the Polaroid Corporation. Photo Cred: Frank A. Perry.

Next, we arrived at the official checkpoint for the Exclusion Zone and walked around into what was the city of Chernobyl. Noticing right away the sheer difference in sound comparing to the hustling and bustling post-Soviet capital of Kyiv that sits in the heart of Ukraine. Chernobyl was a polar opposite comparing to Kyiv, as there was very little to no sound in the area.

We briefly looked around what remained of the town of Chernobyl, including its Town Hall (a building featured in the first episode of the eponymous

We all then examined one of the few remaining unaltered statues of Vladimir Lenin from the Soviet era that have not been removed by the Ukrainian government (due to de-Communization laws passed in 2015), which resulted in a piece of tile from the statue falling off due to my leg accidentally hitting a piece off when getting off the statue.

“This Lenin statue has survived the 1986 Chernobyl disaster and the collapse of the Soviet Union but it didn’t survive Frank.” The tour guide remarked humorously.

One of the few remaining Lenin statues in existence after the passing of de-Communization laws in Ukraine. Taken in Chernobyl, Ukraine (2019). Photo Cred: Frank A. Perry

Visiting Chernobyl-2: The Secret Military Town Beside Chernobyl

Then, we examined the abandoned Chernobyl-2 military site that held the Duga-1 Soviet military satellite and kindergarten that taught the children of Soviet soldiers stationed in Chernobyl-2 not far from the cities of Pripyat and Chernobyl. This was the one place in the entire area where I truly felt the true eeriness of it all.

Unlike most forests I have been too, the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone was probably the quietest place I had ever visited in my life. Not a single sound had emitted naturally from the Zone. No birds chirping, no dogs barking, no cicadas screaming like in the backyards of my native Chicago summer. The only sound I could truly hear was the occasional echo that either I, the tour guides, or the other guests in the tour group were making.

A photo of the author next to the Duga-1 Radar satellite inside of the “secret” Chernobyl-2 military town. Taken in Chernobyl, Ukraine (2019). Photo Cred: Batya Smirnov.

The kindergarten next door felt no different. The entire kindergarten had the feeling of barren emptiness as I walked around it for a New York minute. Mostly anything deemed important was gone. Mattresses, blankets, school supplies, etc. The only things that did remain were the cherished and beloved items of some of the children that were forced to leave during the disaster. The entire place reminded me of the Fallout video game series by Bethesda Softworks.

Outside of the kindergarten was a decently sized statue of a soldier guarding the school, which dedicated the many lives lost during the Great Patriotic War (or the Eastern Front of World War II if you’re a burger-eating American like myself).

A statue dedicating the lives lost during WWII/The Great Patriotic War. Taken in Chernobyl, Ukraine (2019). Photo Cred: Frank A. Perry

In one of his hands was a Stg-44 (as some soldiers carrier captured rifles as either war trophies or when their government issued rifle ran out of ammunition) and a helmet in his other hand. Behind this soldier, however, was a recently added makeshift flag post of the Ukrainian flag. Seeing this Ukrainian flag behind this statue reinvigorated my feelings to collect a flag from each country I visited.

Visiting Reactor No. 4 of The Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

Finally, we headed to the infamous Reactor No. 4 to where we can catch a glimpse of it up close. When we arrived to the reactor, it was covered up in a dome to prevent the increased spread of unnatural radiation to the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone. Our group was given the firm instruction back at the military checkpoint to not go any further than where the memorial stood, as it would violate the Zone’s visitation policy. As such, we took photos of ourselves by the monument and reactor for around 10 minutes before heading to Canteen 19 (which is where the story left off).

Our group headed for Canteen 19, the cafeteria that acted as our halfway point between the abandoned cities of Chernobyl and Pripyat. Before I joined the rest of the group for lunch, I stopped by the small gift shop below the cafeteria. It was similar to the gift shop by the checkpoint, as it sold similar things. The whole idea of a gift shop inside (or even near) the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone was the oddest site to see. It would be on the same scale of seeing a gift shop dedicated to the attack on Pearl Harbor next to its memorial site.

And while their gift shop had your usual knick-knacks (magnets, hats, shirts, bottled air from the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone, etc), the one thing that caught my eye since I started my flag collection in 2019 was a uniquely created flag of Ukraine bearing a trefoil insignia. Wanting to add it to my collection, I purchased it alongside a magnet from the Exclusion Zone for a friend that collected magnets from various places (whom I would eventually meet with later on).

A typical meal inside Canteen 19. Taken in Chernobyl, Ukraine (2019). Photo Cred: Frank A. Perry.

The whole transaction didn’t cost me anything more than a few dollars out of my pocket. However, it earned my the priceless feeling of satisfaction on my face as I passed through the radiation scanners to go eat my lunch. My plate consisted of homemade компот (kompot), green борщ (borscht), pork schnitzel, as well as a salad. And while lunch was mostly fine, I did regret putting on more mustard than I could muster as I cried harder than a couple watching The Notebook for the first time.

The rest of the day inside Pripyat went perfectly as I got to explore the whole city center of Pripyat (while seeing some stalkers atop a building along the way), see the famous Pripyat Amusement Park that was supposed to open on the day of the disaster, and walk inside some buildings that used to entertain and assist the denizens of Pripyat, Ukraine. At the end of the day, all of us headed to a Georgian restaurant near the hotel I and the group were staying in. During that whole experience, I felt extraordinarily happy as I had in my hands some vintage style Polaroids inside the Exclusion Zone in one hand and the uniquely radioactive flag that I bought in the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone.

The uniquely unofficial flag of the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone. Photo taken in the author’s home (2020). Photo Cred: Frank A. Perry.

Another Brick In The Wall: The History of Flags Used During Protests

When we think of protests, what do you think comes to mind? Signs with entertaining slogans? People with megaphones shouting loudly to get the crowds engaged? Rebellious teens and young adults throwing bricks at riot police? What if I were to tell you that flags are just as ingrained into the idea of global political change as the idea of protesting itself? Flags have been used from simple social movements to large scale revolutions and civil wars on a national scale. So, let’s talk about the history of protest flags and their significance in today’s society.

The Origin of Flags in Protest

A painting showing the prototype flag of the Thirteen Colonies (later called the United States of America) nicknamed the “Betsy Ross Flag” as the supposed creator of the flag.

While flags originally have been used to signify what ships belonged to what nation (as flags were originally used as either naval jacks for a country’s Navy or as military standards belonging to a country’s Army), it wasn’t until the 1770s in the former Thirteen Colonies (where the American East Coast exists today) that a flag was used in the case of civil (and non-civil) disobedience. Of course, the flag of the former Thirteen Colonies wasn’t just used to symbolize open discontent for the United Kingdom that had ruled over them prior as it was also the official flag of the Continental Congress of the newly formed United States. It was (along with flags like the Gadsden flag) a defining part of the American Revolutionary War, as it was a symbol of not just the predecessor to the United States of America but also to the anti-colonial movement as well. This would be seen with France with the French Revolution.

The French tricolor (which is used today as the current flag of the Fifth Republic of France) was adopted by anti-monarchist revolutionaries opposed to the Kingdom of France under the rule of Louis XVI, who used it to adopt slogans like “liberte, egalite, fraternite” (a phrase that would later be modified and echoed during the 1917 Russian Revolution led by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolshevik Party). The French tricolor of blue, white, and red was used in opposition of the banner of the House of Bourbon (a flag consisting of a white field surrounded by a golden fleur-de-lis).

A Bit of A Red Flag: The Introduction of Colored Flags In Protests

Supporters and members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation wave their party’s flag and carry a wreath meant for Vladimir Lenin, the former leader of the Soviet Union that has been deceased since 1924. Taken in Russia, 2010s.

Continuing into the 19th and 20th century, society has changed. National economies have changed from purely agricultural ones into industrial ones, architecture has evolved, and the labor movement was beginning to form due to the lack of labor rights (at the time) and the creation of such works like Das Kapital and The Communist Manifesto written by philosophers Karl Marx and Fredrich Engels. In 1870, the Paris Commune was formed when French workers and socialist revolutionaries seized the capital of Paris and formed the Paris Commune.

The red flag became the symbol of the Paris Commune, symbolizing the amount of blood spilled by the working class (both before and during their revolutionary era). The rebellion was later crushed two months later by the French military but the red flag of the Paris Commune became a symbol that eternalized and martyred the leaders of the Paris Commune. In 1921, members of the French Communist Party visited Moscow to present the newly established Soviet government with one of the original banners of the Paris Commune (a flag that was placed and is still in Lenin’s Mausoleum, next to the mummified leader of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics).

After the success of the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Russian Bolshevik Party used the red flag (modified with a hammer, sickle, and a red star above the now infamous symbol) as the official flag of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, and later on the USSR. The flag of the hammer and sickle remained the national flag of the Soviet Union and its federal republics until its dissolution on December 26th, 1991.

Ironically, the red flag that was later adopted by more “authoritarian” styles of socialism and communism was originally used by anarchists throughout the 19th century. Peter Kropotkin, a political theorist of anarcho-communism and a form of anti-authoritarian socialism, proposed that anarchists use the red flag to represent the anarcho-communist ideology.

After the Russian Revolution of 1917, the flag used to represent the anarchist movement as a whole was the black flag (which represented the anger and misery of the working class, according to the English language newspaper of the Chicago anarchists that led the Haymarket protests in the 1880s), with a bisected flag of red and black then symbolized the representation of the anarcho-communist/anarcho-syndicalist movements throughout the world. The red flag that represented the Paris Commune was used by Chicago anarchists in solidarity with workers striking during the Haymarket incident of 1886 on May 1st, as it was a symbol not yet co-opted by “authoritarian” socialists until 1917.

After the Russian Revolution of 1917, many states after the newly former Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and later Soviet Union used symbols and flags that took inspiration from the flag of the Soviet Union (with nations such as the SR of Vietnam and PR of China being direct results of that inspiration). Many communist parties that represent the vast ideas of many political theorists also use the red flag (or Soviet flag) also have taken inspiration from these flags to use as a political symbol during either protests, political rallies, or elections.

The National Question: The Use of National Flags In National And International Protests

The Tibetan government-in-exile with the flag of Tibet. Taken in Taiwan, 2012.

Nationalism and one’s love for their own country has existed for as long as people began developing political land borders around their own piece of land. So it would be no question that many people of different nationalities use their own nation’s flag to use in political protests both nationally and internationally.

Previous modern examples would include the use of the flag of Kurdistan in protests pertaining to the liberation struggle that Kurdistan is facing, the flag of Catalonia to describe the independence movement that Catalonia has been struggling with since the 1930s, the flag of the State of Palestine that has symbolized the Israeli-Palestinian struggle since 1948, and the “White-Red-White” flag that has been used by both the Belarusian government-in-exile that has been out of power since 1919 and the Belarusian opposition that wishes to see incumbent President of the Republic of Belarus Alexander Lukashenko removed from office.

Many times during a protest involving a national flag, one of two things occur (if not both):

  • The use of one flag maintains dominance (usually either the flag of a formally deposed government, such as the Imperial State of Iran or the Royal governments of Laos or Vietnam),
  • The desecration of the current flag’s regime.

This can be seen especially when it comes to emigres of different nations that have fled due to religious or political persecution by their government, so they will normally fly the former flag of their respective homeland (the white-red-white flag of Belarus, the three red striped flag of Vietnam, the former flag of the Persian Empire, etc). For example, as recently as 2015, six city councils in Australia passed legislation that the “Co Vang” flag of Vietnam (the former flag of South Vietnam) would be the official Vietnamese flag in those communities.

Protestors and supporters of these former governments use these flags in rallies, protests, and governments-in-exile to show support for a change of hands in power and for a transition to the older style of government in their respective nation. Almost always are these opposition flags banned by the respective government that has succeeded it. For example, in Vietnam, the flag is only used in Vietnam War propaganda films and any other use of the flag is considered to be a punishable offense.

Conclusion

Flags, being more than just a piece of cloth, hold multiple meanings when used in different contexts. They could represent nations, cities, regions, as well as other administrations held throughout the world, but they can also represent hopes and aspirations for change, as well as political ideologies both fringe and not-so-fringe.

Sources:  “Flags” in GermanFrench and Italian in the online Historical Dictionary of Switzerland. von Geldern, James (1993). Bolshevik Festivals 1917–21. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 178. Archived from the original on November 26, 2018. Retrieved November 26, 2018.  Russian Centre of Vexillology and Heraldry. “Флаги СССР”. vexillographia.ru. Archived from the original on 21 February 2014. Retrieved 11 January 2019.“Barwy anarchistyczne: Skąd czarne i czarno-czerwone flagi?”[Anarchist colours: Where are black and black-red flags from?]. cia.media.pl (in Polish). Centrum Informacji Anarchistycznej. June 19, 2012. Retrieved September 4, 2016. Kropotkin, Peter (1998). Act for Yourselves. Articles from Freedom 1886-1907. Freedom Press. p. 128. ISBN 0900384387.

Hammers and Sickles and Russians, Oh My!: A History of Transnistria And Its Flag

It’s been almost 30 years since the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was announced by then-President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev. The Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) became the Russian Federation, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic became Ukraine, and so on with the remaining 15 post-Soviet republics.

However, there is a small slice of Eastern Europe that still waves the banner of the former Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic. A nation that still bears the hammer and sickle on its coat of arms, still calls its capital’s city council “The House of the Soviets”, and has statues of Vladimir Lenin scattered around like orange leaves beside a street in autumn. That nation is, of course, Transnistria.

The Land That Is Trans-Dniester

A decommissioned armored personnel carrier (APC) used in the Transnistrian War of Independence, carrying the flag of the PMR. Photo taken inside Transnistria (Nov. 2019).

For anyone not familiar with the Eastern European territory, the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (or Transnistria as it is commonly called today) is an unrecognized country sitting between the borders of Ukraine and Moldova acting as a de-facto independent nation since September 2nd, 1990. Transnistria has three official languages (Russian, Moldovan, and Ukrainian) with Russian being the majority language throughout the region (as well as Moldova as a whole). As stated earlier, they have their own flag, state emblem (based off of the emblem of the former Moldavian SSR), currency, parliament, and even head of state.

One question does remain, and that is: Why does Transnistria still use the hammer and sickle as their national flag? To answer this question, we will have to take a brief look at Transnistria’s history before it declared independence in 1990.

Transnistria Before It Was Transnistria

A photo of Tiraspol prior to independence. Taken in 1980.

In the mid-1980s, a younger politician by the name of Mikhail Gorbachev took the helm of General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union after the passing of the previous head of state and General Secretary, Konstantin Chernenko. Unlike his predecessors, Mikhail Gorbachev was a reformer that had intentions of fixing the rigid, stagnant system that was the state planned economy of the Soviet Union. This was done through the policies of glastnost and perestroika, which allowed for the restructuring of the Soviet economy and the acceptance of dissident ideas in the Soviet Union.

Consequently, this also allowed for nationalist movements that would’ve been crushed through the might of the KGB to have more influence throughout the federation of Soviet republics (including Moldovan Popular Front). Such movements in the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic gave for debate between two different factions within the country (an idea that would’ve been controversial throughout the brief Perestroika years of the Soviet Union). You had those that wished to secede from the Soviet Union and become independent nations (such as Armenia, Estonia, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldavia, and Ukraine), and those that wished to remain within the Soviet Union (such as Azerbaijan, Byelorussia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan).

The pro-Soviet and pro-independence elements were at odds with each other during the late 1980s, as groups such as the Moldavian Popular Front maintained a pro-Romanian stance on both language and foreign policy (a move that alienated ethnic Russians and Moldovans that spoke Russian and eventually led to the declaration of independence from Moldova later on). On August 31st, 1989, the Supreme Soviet of the Moldavian SSR declared that the official language was Moldovan (and the only language, with Russian being retained for secondary purposes). The Moldovan language was also returned to the Latin alphabet, as well as making it more in common with Romanian than Russian.

From 1989 to 1990, the Yedinstvo (Unity) Movement was formed by Moldova’s Slavic population to act on the behalf of the Slavic population of Moldova. The Unity Movement of Moldova pressed the Moldovan government constantly to give the Russian and Moldovan languages equal status in the Republic of Moldova (as ethnic Russians and Russian speaking Moldovans were fearful of the linguistic and cultural changes happening within the Republic of Moldova).

A majority of the population were either from the former Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic or were Moldovans that spoke Russian as it were their mother tongue (a case that is similarly shared in the Republic of Belarus) and upset the majority populace. In the spring of 1990, the Popular Front of Moldova won the first free election in Moldova since 1917. As soon as they gained power, their ideas and edicts were quickly put into effect. Not long after, on September 2nd 1990, the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic was declared by an ad hoc assembly, The Second Congress of the Peoples’ Representatives of Transnistria.

The Transnistrian War of Independence

Transnistrian volunteers during the Transnistrian War of Independence. Taken in 1992.

Political violence (and eventual civil war) popped off when the Popular Front called on militias to stop a referendum happening in the autonomous region of Gagauzia, To prevent any kind of upcoming violence (due to ethnic and political tension in the region of the Moldavian SSR) and to keep the Moldavian SSR unified, President of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev declared the declaration of independence by Transnistria to be annulled through a presidential decree that was made on December 22nd, 1990. Soviet authorities did not take action in Transnistria and, as a result, the newly established authorities were able to take control of the area that is known as Transnistria.

This then began the Transnistrian War of Independence in 1992. For approximately 4 and a half months, war broke out in Transnistria between the Moldovans that wished to re-integrate Transnistria into the Republic of Moldova, and the defending Transnistrians (with assistance from the newly transitioned Russian Federation and its newly reformed military). It lasted until the two forces held a ceasefire agreement on July 21st, 1992 (which is held to this day between Moldova, Transnistria, and Russia).

So Why The Hammer And Sickle?

A flagpole set of the flags of both Transnistria and the Russian Federation taken inside of Transnistria. Photo taken inside Transnistria (Nov. 2019).

So one would then continue to ask why the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic continues to use Soviet imagery and symbols publicly? The reason is simple: for many throughout the former Soviet Union, the Soviet Union is seen in a nostalgic and (mildly) positive light as it was a time of prosperity for most prior to 1991. And while no one would deny the atrocities the Soviets had done under the regime of the Communist Party (e.g. the mass starvation of Ukrainians in the 1930s, the Soviet GULAG system, etc), life under the Soviet government was seen as a much better one than the government of the Republic of Moldova today.

According to Credit Suisse, The Republic of Moldova has ranked as the poorest country in Europe since its independence in 1991. It is most likely due to the large amounts of poverty in the small nation as well as high percentages of corruption (as Transparency International’s 2017 Corruption Perception Index ranks the country 122nd place out of 180 countries). The Moldovan government has attempted to fight corruption inside of the country, but this has not changed its image or situation as of 2019 (and to this day, is still the least visited country in Europe). This hasn’t changed due to the international COVID-19 pandemic. According to Global Finance Magazine, Moldova ranks 131 by GDP internationally as of July 30th, 2020.

In other words, the hammer and sickle in Moldova (as well as Belarus and the Russian Federation) is seen as a symbol of the victory over fascism in WWII and a call back to a much better time prior to economic destabilization and massive poverty throughout the former Soviet Union.

Citations: https://www.balkanhistory.org/transnistrian-war.html, https://www.wired.com/2016/03/meet-people-transnistria-stuck-time-soviet-country-doesnt-exist/, http://www.bbc.com/travel/story/20200205-celebrating-a-nation-that-doesnt-exist, https://youtu.be/wnDxHTaeNX0, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-moldova-transdniestria/moldova-rebel-region-marks-independence-with-soviet-ritual-idUSBRE8860C220120907, https://russiamatters.org/blog/polling-suggests-soviet-nostalgia-isnt-going-away, https://www.gfmag.com/global-data/economic-data/worlds-richest-and-poorest-countries

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